Recorded on 03/10/2026

Iran and Economic Power: Sanctions Strategy and Implications for Global Markets with Mark Dubowitz

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Recorded on March 10, 2026.

In this timely briefing, Mark Dubowitz, CEO of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, walked through the operational logic, likely phases, and market transmission mechanisms of the unfolding Iran campaign. Rather than reacting to individual headlines, Mark asked us to frame the moment around duration risk — how uncertainty stretching from weeks into months can itself redirect capital, energy markets, and policy choices. His analysis paired on-the-ground military detail with a clear view of how economic, financial, and influence tools may shape what comes next.

Key Themes

“Duration risk” — uncertainty is an economic force
Mark argued that the central risk right now is time: the longer kinetic and non-kinetic pressure continues without clear resolution, the more it distracts markets and policymakers. That distraction can slow investment decisions, raise risk premia, and magnify volatility in energy and insurance markets.

Phase one: degrade capabilities; phase two: squeeze and fracture
The immediate military phase focuses on degrading Iran’s nuclear, missile, and command-and-control capabilities. If the campaign shifts from striking infrastructure to squeezing financial lifelines and amplifying internal fracturing, we should expect a different set of risks and opportunities — from sanctions enforcement to influence operations.

Energy & shipping remain the primary market transmission channels
The Strait of Hormuz is a narrow chokepoint. Even with naval escorts and exercises, mining, missile or drone strikes, or a single successful attack on a tanker can rapidly spike insurance premiums and oil prices. Mine-clearing is slow and costly — a practical reason markets remain sensitive to supply-side shocks.

Proxies and escalation pathways — Houthis, militias, Hezbollah
Mark flagged proxy networks (including the Houthis, Hezbollah, and Shiite militias in Iraq) as variables that could broaden the campaign. Some actors may be held in reserve and used opportunistically, which makes second-order risks — regional escalation and asymmetric attacks — important to monitor.

Nuclear risks remain a pivotal tail-risk
Beyond missiles and drones, Mark highlighted the continued concern around Iran’s enrichment capabilities (including stockpiles of highly enriched uranium) and deeply buried facilities that, if completed, would complicate any purely aerial campaign. These are structural risks with long lead times and serious strategic implications.

Depletion and readiness — air defenses vs. offensive capacity
A practical point he raised: U.S. and allied inventories of interceptors (Patriots, THAADs) are being drawn down in defensive missions even as offensive options remain available. That inventory balance matters for duration and for how long partners can sustain protection for Gulf allies without resupply.

Great-power ambivalence — Russia and China’s constrained responses
While Russia and China have ties and interests in Iran, both have shown limits in direct intervention — driven by distractions elsewhere or the broader energy calculus — which affects how Iran might seek alternative support. This geopolitical nuance matters for sanctions enforcement and diplomatic levers advisors should be tracking.

About Mark Dubowitz

Mark Dubowitz is the chief executive of FDD, a Washington, D.C.-based nonpartisan policy institute.

Mark is an expert on Iran’s nuclear program and global threat network, and is widely recognized as one of the key influencers in shaping policies to counter the threats from the regime in Iran. He is the host of The Iran Breakdown, which unpacks and explores the key challenges and opportunities facing Iran. He also contributes to FDD’s China Program drawing on his academic background in China studies and his private sector work in the Indo-Pacific.

In 2019, Iran sanctioned Mark and FDD, calling them “the designing and executing arm of the U.S. administration” on Iran policy. These threats led to bipartisan condemnation, including from Trump, Obama, Bush and Clinton administration officials.

In 2022, the Iranian Ministry of Intelligence and the Intelligence Organization of the IRGC accused Mark and FDD of playing “a key role in organizing the rebellions against the Islamic Republic of Iran.”

That same year, Russia sanctioned Mark among other prominent national security and business professionals in response to American efforts to hold Moscow accountable for its war in Ukraine. Mark has long exposed the malign ties between the regimes in Russia and Iran and advocated for sanctions on Russia.

According to The New York Times, “Mark Dubowitz’s campaign to draw attention to what he saw as the flaws in the Iran nuclear deal has taken its place among the most consequential ever undertaken by a Washington think tank leader.”

According to The Atlantic, “Dubowitz has been helping design and push forward sanctions on Iran…establishing the FDD as D.C.’s ground zero for research and policy recommendations aimed at highlighting and fixing what Dubowitz saw as the flaws in the nuclear agreement.”

Mark was featured as one of the key “financial warriors” in the book “The Iran Wars.” Politico magazine featured Mark as one of Washington’s leading policy experts challenging Iran’s illicit behavior, observing that he is “…constantly thinking up—and promoting—new ways to squeeze the regime…”

According to a former U.S. senior administration official, “If you want to know what’s going to happen next in Iran policy, there’s a pretty good bet that it’s whatever has been in the latest Mark Dubowitz or FDD op-ed.”

Mark has advised the Bush, Obama, Trump and Biden administrations and lawmakers on both sides of the aisle and testified more than twenty times before the U.S. Congress and foreign legislatures. He is the author or co-author of dozens of studies on economic sanctions and Iran’s nuclear program and is widely published and cited in U.S. and international media. A former venture capitalist and technology executive, Mark has a master’s degree in international public policy from Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies where he focused on China, and JD and MBA degrees from the University of Toronto. Raised in Toronto, he is a proud American citizen, and has lived in Washington, D.C. since 2003.

*Third-party prepared biographies are provided for informational purposes only; Cresset does not validate their accuracy or completeness.

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